America's "rebalance" in Asia keeps a firm eye on China, even though Washington tries to deny so. Beijing does not deem any push for U.S. AirSea Battle doctrine and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) grouping to be innocent. The U.S.-Japan "2+2" talks to revise their bilateral defense guidelines by 2014 could press China further into building up its own maritime sovereignty. If China were to consider the U.S.-Japan move as hedging, certain counter-hedging actions might become the naturally evoked result. Such a game of balancing and rebalancing could prove, at the least, counterproductive.
Instead of visiting Southeast Asia with possible feelings of distrust, China and the U.S. might opt for the more proactive approach by viewing each side's interaction with the region in a more positive light. For instance, TPP could stimulate China to take its economic reform even further. As is the case with the WTO, China could be confident that TPP would present more opportunities than challenges, propelling Beijing toward more competitiveness. Similarly, the U.S. would think about its response to Sino-Japanese stress over the Diaoyu Islands. Instead of supporting Japan by citing treaty obligations, more prone to fuel the tension, America could help de-escalate tensions by presenting constructive reconciliation.
Both Beijing and Washington have much to gain by cooperating in Southeast Asia, ranging from anti-pirating to curbing global warming. Even on the issue of demarcating maritime interests, they share far more common interests than they do divergences: protecting the sea lanes and high seas for peaceful access, tapping into maritime resources in a legally sound and environmentally sustainable manner, collaborating bilaterally or multilaterally on humanitarian aid and disaster relief, avoiding incidents at sea through security cooperation, etc.
After quite some preparation, China and the ASEAN countries have started their talks on creating a South China Sea Code of Conduct, a significant move to peacefully resolve various territorial disputes across the region. While the U.S. keeps pushing the envelope, it will be viewed as a respectful player only if it addresses all aspects of the disputes in a comprehensive way, including the fact that some of China's island features have been occupied by a few ASEAN states that now enjoy U.S. support. The U.S. desire to rebalance will prove to be in vein if it only initiates its "pivot" policy without discouraging its allies or friends to encroach on China's territory.
The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:
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