《西藏發(fā)展道路的歷史選擇》白皮書
White Paper: Tibet's Path of Development Is Driven by an Irresistible Historical Tide
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調整字號大小: 
| 一、舊制度必然退出西藏歷史舞臺 | I. The End of the Old System Was a Historical Inevitability |
| 20世紀50年代，當奴隸制、農奴制、黑奴制已為現(xiàn)代文明所徹底唾棄之時，西藏社會依然處于政教合一的封建農奴制統(tǒng)治之下。政教合一的封建農奴制粗暴踐踏人類尊嚴，嚴重侵犯基本人權，根本阻礙西藏社會發(fā)展，完全背離中國和世界進步潮流。 | In the 1950s, when slavery and serfdom had long since been abandoned by modern civilization, Tibet still remained a society of theocratic feudal serfdom. This system trampled on human dignity, infringed upon human rights, and impeded development in Tibet, all of which went completely against the progressive trend in China and the rest of the world. |
| ——政教合一，神權至上，神權政治的典型代表 | - Political and religious powers combined, with absolute supremacy held by religious power - a typical manifestation of theocracy |
| 在舊西藏，神權至上，政權庇護神權，神權控制政權，神權與政權融為一體，共同維護官家、貴族和寺院上層僧侶三大封建領主的統(tǒng)治。據(jù)統(tǒng)計，1959年民主改革前，西藏共有寺廟2676座，僧眾114925人。僧眾人數(shù)約占男性人口的四分之一，其比例遠超歐洲中世紀神職人員，世所罕見。 | In old Tibet, religious power enjoyed absolute supremacy. Religious power prevailed over political power while the latter protected the former. The two combined to defend the interests of the three major stakeholders: local officials, aristocrats and higher-ranking lamas in the monasteries. Before Democratic Reform in 1959, there were 2,676 monasteries and almost 115,000 Buddhist monks and their acolytes in Tibet. Active monks accounted for one quarter of the local male population, a total that far exceeded the proportion of clergy in Medieval Europe, and was highly unusual throughout the world. |
| 在神權政治下，宗教被封建農奴制玷污，寺廟并非單純的潛心禮佛的清凈之地，而是集開展宗教活動、控制一方政權、實施經(jīng)濟剝削、囤積武裝力量、進行司法審判等功能為一體的統(tǒng)治堡壘。有的寺廟內部私設公堂，不僅有手銬、腳鐐、棍棒，還有用來剜目、抽筋的殘酷刑具，懲罰農奴手段極其殘忍?，F(xiàn)存的20世紀50年代初西藏地方政府有關部門致熱布典頭目的一封信內記載，一次，為了給十四世達賴念經(jīng)祝壽，下密院全體人員需要念忿怒十五施食回遮法，“為切實完成此次佛事，需于當日拋食，急需濕腸一副、頭顱兩個、多種血、人皮一整張，望立即送來”。寺廟領主在三大領主中放債最多，約占總額的80%。 | In this theocratic society religion had been distorted by feudal serfdom, and monasteries were no longer places of purity to study Buddhism and worship the Buddha, but fortresses from which the local rulers organized religious activities, exercised administration and exploitation, built up their armed forces, and passed judicial adjudication. Some monasteries even had private jails, with instruments of torture used for eye gouging and hamstringing, in addition to handcuffs, chains and clubs. A letter from the Tibetan local government department to the head of a Rabden (a theocratic and administrative organization at a lower level) in the early 1950s contains instructions in relation to the celebration of the 14th Dalai Lama's birthday, which said that all the staff of Lower Tantric College would chant the sutra on the occasion, and "during the service, food will be offered to the hungry ghosts, for which a corpus of fresh intestines, two skulls, some mixed blood and a whole human skin are urgently needed. Please have these delivered without delay." Among the three major stakeholders, the upper-ranking lamas were the biggest money-lenders, controlling 80 percent of all loans. |
| 由于大量人口不從事生育和生產，并且成為神權政治壓榨的工具，導致社會資源嚴重匱乏，人口增長長期停滯。據(jù)19世紀中期成書的《圣武記·西藏后記》記載，清乾隆二年（1737年）理藩院匯造西藏達賴、班禪所轄地區(qū)，共有喇嘛31.62萬人以上，而當時西藏（不含今昌都地區(qū)）共有人口約109萬。到20世紀50年代初，西藏人口依然徘徊在100多萬，200多年間幾乎沒有增長。 | Since a large proportion of the population were not engaged in economic activity and reproduction, but were used as tools of oppression by the religious power, there was an acute shortage of social resources, and demographic growth had remained stagnant for a long period of time. According to "Tibet" from Annals of Military Events in Qing Dynasty written by Wei Yuan (1794-1851) in the mid-19th century, the Department of Minorities Affairs in 1737 (the second year of Qing Emperor Qianlong's reign) produced a report on the areas under the jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni, which found that there were more than 316,200 lamas in Tibet, from a regional population (excluding present-day Qamdo) of only 1.09 million. By the early 1950s, the local population still stood around 1 million, having seen hardly any increase in 200 years. |
| 利用宗教加強對社會的控制，是神權政治的突出特點。原國民政府蒙藏委員會駐拉薩辦事處官員、20世紀40年代在西藏工作的著名藏學家李有義在回憶文章《西藏，神秘的和不再神秘的》中感嘆道：“西藏的農奴遭受著如此殘酷的剝削和壓迫，他們?yōu)槭裁床黄饋矸纯鼓?？我也向農奴問過這個問題。不料他們的答復卻是‘第，賴哉’，意為這是業(yè)果。他們相信今世受苦是前世造了孽，今世受苦才能洗凈罪孽，下世就能轉生到更好的境界。這就是喇嘛對他們的教導，而藏民是堅信不疑的?！痹诶钣辛x看來，正是這種思想控制，使“農奴一生一世都是為未來積累功德，貴族用鞭子抽他們，他們還以為是在為他們洗罪呢！” | Using religion to maintain a tight control over society was a prominent feature of theocracy. Li Youyi, an official stationed in Lhasa by the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs of the Nationalist Government, and a Tibetologist who worked in Tibet in the 1940s, lamented the fact in his essay "Tibet, the mysterious and the un-mysterious": "Why didn't the serfs rise up and rebel against such cruel oppression and exploitation in Tibet? I asked them this question, and was shocked by their answer. They said, 'This is the result of karma.' They believed they had done evil in a previous life, and had to suffer in this life in order to wash away their previous sins and reincarnate into a better next life. This was what the lamas preached to them, and what they firmly believed." In the words of Li Youyi, it was such thought control that made the serfs "willing to toil all their life to accumulate merits for the future, and when the aristocrats whipped them, they thought it was helping them wash away their sins." |
| 親歷西藏的英國人查爾斯·貝爾在《十三世達賴喇嘛傳》中說：“你下一輩子是人還是豬，難道對你沒什么關系嗎？達賴喇嘛能保你投胎成人，當大官，或者更好一些——在一個佛教興盛的國度里當大喇嘛?！彼M而指出：“毫無疑問，喇嘛采用了精神恐怖手法以維持他們的影響和將政權繼續(xù)控制在他們手中?！?/td> | Charles Bell, a Briton who lived in Tibet, wrote in his book Portrait of a Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth, "Does it not matter to you whether you are reborn as a human being or as a pig? The Dalai Lama can help to ensure that you will be reborn as a human being in a high position, or, better still, as a monk or nun in a country where Buddhism flourishes." He firmly believed that the lamas had used spiritual terrorism to maintain their influence and to hold the power in their hands. |
| ——等級森嚴，踐踏人權，封建農奴制在東方的最后堡壘 | - Rigid hierarchy and trampling on human rights - the last fortress of feudal serfdom in the East |
| 1959年以前的西藏，仍然保留著封建農奴制。法國旅行家亞歷山大·大衛(wèi)·妮爾1916－1924年間曾先后5次到西藏及其周邊地區(qū)考察。1953年，她出版了《古老的西藏面對新生的中國》，對舊西藏的農奴制有過這樣的描述：“在西藏，所有農民都是終身負債的農奴，在他們中間很難找到一個已經(jīng)還清了債務的人。”“為了維系生活，農奴不得不借錢、借糧、借牲畜，支付高額利息。然而，來年的收獲永遠還不完膨脹的利息。”“在毫無辦法的情況下，他們只好再借，借口糧，借種子。……如此下去，年復一年，永無完結，直到臨死的時候也不能從債務中解脫出來，而這些債務就落到了他兒子的身上，可憐的兒子從剛一開始種田生涯起，就受到這些祖?zhèn)鞯膫鶆盏膲赫?，而這些債的起源早已是遙遠的過去的事了，他根本不知道這從什么時候說起?！薄斑@些可憐的人們只能永遠待在他們貧窮的土地上。他們完全失去了一切人的自由，一年更比一年窮?！?/td> | Feudal serfdom dominated Tibet until 1959. The French traveler Alexandra David-Neel visited Tibet and its surrounding areas five times between 1916 and 1924. In 1953, she published Le vieux Tibet face a la Chine nouvelle, in which she described Tibet's serfdom as follows: In Tibet, all the peasants spent their whole lives as debt-laden serfs, and hardly any one of them could be found to have paid off their debts... To survive, the serfs had to borrow money, grain and cattle, and pay high rates of interest. But their harvests were never enough to cover their swelling interest... They had no other option but to borrow again, borrow grains and seeds... So on and so forth, year in and year out, the cycle continued on and on. They would be burdened with debts until the day they died, debts which would be passed on to their sons. From the day they started to toil in the fields, the poor boys would be oppressed by these ancestral debts, of whose origins he knew nothing... The poor could do nothing but toil indefinitely on the barren land, deprived of all freedom as human beings, and becoming poorer with every year that passed. |
| 在封建農奴制下，人被劃分為等級。在舊西藏通行了數(shù)百年的《十三法典》和《十六法典》，明確將人分成三等九級，將森嚴的等級制度法律化。法典規(guī)定：“人分上中下三等，每一等人又分上中下三級。此上中下三等，系就其血統(tǒng)貴賤職位高低而定”，“人有等級之分，因此命價也有高低”，“上等上級人命價為與尸體等重的黃金”，“下等下級人命價為一根草繩”。 | Under the feudal serfdom, there was a rigid hierarchy. The 13-Article Code and the 16-Article Code, which had been practiced for centuries in Tibet, divided people into three classes and nine ranks, enshrining the rigid hierarchy in law. According to these documents, there were three classes by blood and position, each class was further divided into three ranks... As people were divided into different classes and ranks, the value of a life correspondingly differed... The bodies of people of the highest rank of the upper class were literally worth their weight in gold, while the lives of people of the lowest rank of the lower class were only worth a straw rope. |
| 落后的封建農奴制以及政教合一的神權政治，使舊西藏成為一個貧富分化極其懸殊的社會。至20世紀50年代末，占西藏人口不足5%的三大領主及其代理人幾乎占有西藏全部耕地、牧場、森林、山川、河流、河灘以及大部分牲畜。據(jù)統(tǒng)計，1959年民主改革前，西藏有世襲貴族197家，大貴族25家，其中居前的七八家貴族，每家占有幾十個莊園，幾萬克土地（15克相當于1公頃）。十四世達賴家族占有27座莊園、30個牧場，擁有農牧奴6000多人。十四世達賴本人手上有黃金16萬兩，白銀9500萬兩，珍寶玉器2萬多件，有各種綢緞、珍貴裘皮衣服1萬多件。而占西藏人口95%的農奴和奴隸，則一無所有，處境悲慘，毫無人權可言。對這些人，西藏有民諺稱：“生命雖由父母所生，身體卻為官家占有。縱有生命和身體，卻沒有做主的權利。” | This backward social structure led to a chasm of wealth in old Tibet. By the late 1950s, the three major stakeholders and their agents, who made up less than 5 percent of the population, owned almost all of the land, pastures, forests, mountains, rivers and flood plains, and most of the livestock. Before Democratic Reform in 1959, there were 197 hereditary aristocratic families, including 25 major ones, the top seven or eight of whom each possessed dozens of manors and over 1,000 hectares of land. The family of the 14th Dalai Lama owned 27 manors, 30 pastures, and over 6,000 serfs. The Dalai Lama alone had 160,000 taels (one tael = 30 grams) of gold, 95 million taels of silver, over 20,000 pieces of jewelry and jade ware, and more than 10,000 pieces of silk clothing and rare furs. Meanwhile the serfs and slaves, who accounted for 95 percent of the population, had nothing and lived a miserable life with no human rights at all. As a Tibetan proverb goes, "Life given by parents, body controlled by officials. Though they have life and body, they are not masters of their own." |
| ——封閉落后，遠離現(xiàn)代文明，絕非想象中的“香格里拉” | - Closed, backward and isolated from modern civilization - bearing no resemblance to the "Shangri-la" fantasy |
| 20世紀30年代，英國作家詹姆斯·希爾頓在《消失的地平線》一書中，描繪了夢幻般美妙絕倫的人間樂土——“香格里拉”。此后，追尋“香格里拉”成為許多人的夢想，有人甚至把西藏視為“香格里拉”的原生地。然而，這只是人們的善良愿望，舊西藏根本不存在“香格里拉”。 | In the 1930s, British novelist James Hilton in his Lost Horizon depicted an earthly paradise, which he called "Shangri-la." Since then, many have dreamed of searching for this fictional place, and some have even taken Tibet as the prototype. But "Shangri-la" was no more than a fantasy, and there was nothing at all in old Tibet that corresponded to the Utopian images of "Shangri-la." |
| 舊西藏的落后從以下情況可略窺一斑：直至1951年和平解放時，西藏沒有一所近代意義上的學校，青壯年文盲率高達95%；沒有現(xiàn)代醫(yī)療，求神拜佛是大部分人醫(yī)治疾病的主要辦法，人均壽命只有35.5歲；沒有一條正規(guī)公路，貨物運輸、郵件傳遞全靠人背畜馱；僅有一座125千瓦的小電站，且只供十四世達賴及少數(shù)特權者使用。 | The backwardness of old Tibet can be seen from the following facts: Until its peaceful liberation in 1951, Tibet did not have a single school in the modern sense; its illiteracy rate was as high as 95 percent among the young and the middle-aged; there was no modern medical service, and praying to the Buddha for succor was the main resort for most people if they fell ill; their average life expectancy was 35.5 years; there was not a single standard highway, and all goods and mail had to be delivered by man and beast of burden; and the region's single hydropower station, with a generating capacity of 125 kw, served only the 14th Dalai Lama and a few other privileged people. |
| 親歷舊西藏的中外人士無不被其落后的社會場景所觸動，并留下許多身臨其境的描述。1945年，李有義在西藏實地考察數(shù)月后觀察道：“在沿著雅魯藏布江中下游約1700多英里的旅程中，我所看到的是一派衰敗的景象。在每天的旅程中都能看到幾處人去樓空的廢墟，壟畝痕跡依稀可辨，人煙卻已杳杳。我所經(jīng)過的這種‘鬼鎮(zhèn)’何止百處……我出發(fā)考察時正是秋收季節(jié)。這個季節(jié)就是在內地比較落后的農村里，你也可以在農民的臉上看到收獲的喜悅。但是在1945年的西藏農村，我卻不曾看到一副喜悅的面孔。我所看到的是貴族和‘差領巴’（收租人）對農奴的怒吼和鞭打，我所聽到的是農奴的哭泣和嘆息聲?！?/td> | Those who had visited Tibet in person, whether Chinese or foreign, were all struck by how backward the place was, and many of them have left factual records. Li Youyi recalled, after a field survey of a couple of months in Tibet in 1945, "What I saw on my 1,700-mile journey along the mid-lower reaches of the Yarlung Zangbo was a state of complete decay. Every day I would pass by a number of abandoned houses, and expanses of barren fields with no one tending to them. I saw more than 100 such 'ghost towns'... I set out in the season of autumn harvest. At this time of the year, you would expect to see the joy of harvest on the faces of peasants, even in backward inland areas. But in rural Tibet in 1945, I saw no sign of any happy face. What I saw was the nobility and their rent collectors whipping and yelling at the serfs; what I heard was the weeping and moaning of their victims." |
| 原英國《每日郵報》駐印度記者埃德蒙·坎德勒在1905年出版的《拉薩真面目》中也寫道：拉薩“這座城市臟得無法形容，沒有下水道，路面也沒有鋪砌石塊。沒有一棟房子清潔干凈或經(jīng)常有人打掃。下雨之后，街道就成了一洼洼的死水塘，豬狗則跑到這些地方來尋找廢物渣滓”。 | In his 1905 book The Unveiling of Lhasa, Edmund Candler, the former British journalist in India working for Daily Mail, recorded details of the old Tibetan society: Lhasa was "squalid and filthy beyond description, undrained and unpaved. Not a single house looked clean or cared for. The streets after rain are nothing but pools of stagnant water frequented by pigs and dogs searching for refuse." |
| 曾任西藏自治區(qū)廣電廳廳長的杜泰（藏族）回憶說：“當1951年我來到拉薩的時候，這座城市的貧困和破敗確實也出乎我的意料。那時候，拉薩除了大昭寺周圍的八廓街，幾乎沒有一條像樣的街道，也沒有任何公共服務設施，沒有路燈，沒有供水和排水設備。街頭經(jīng)?？吹絻鲳I而死的人的尸體，還有乞丐、囚犯和成群的狗。大昭寺西面是叫‘魯布邦倉’的乞丐村，小昭寺周圍也是乞丐聚合地。當時乞丐竟有三四千之多，占城市人口的十分之一強?！?/td> | In the memory of Dortar, who once served as director of the Radio and Television Department of Tibet Autonomous Region, "When I came to Lhasa in 1951, I was shocked at the shabby and poor conditions. With the exception of the Barkhor near the Jokhang Temple, there was hardly a decent street in town. No public facilities, no streetlights, no water supply and no drainage. What I often did see were the corpses of those frozen to death, in addition to beggars, prisoners and packs of dogs. To the west of the Jokhang was a colony of beggars, and there was another near the Romache. The beggars numbered as many as three to four thousand, or one-tenth of Lhasa's total population." |
| 1950年，原西藏地方政府噶倫、后來擔任過中國全國人大常委會副委員長的阿沛·阿旺晉美向噶廈發(fā)電反映昌都地區(qū)情況時說：“因時世混濁，民不堪命，這里有的宗（相當縣）內僅有七、八戶還有糌粑，其余全以食元根（即蔓菁）為生，乞丐成群，景象凄涼?！?/td> | In a telegraph to the Gaxag (Tibetan name of the local government of Tibet) in 1950, Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, then a local government Galoin (minister) and later vice chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China, reported on the conditions in Qamdo: "The people live in dire poverty in this time of turmoil. In some counties roasted barley is to be found in only seven or eight households, and all the rest have to rely on turnips. It is terribly bleak, with hordes of beggars." |
| 大量事實證明，到20世紀中葉，西藏的舊制度已經(jīng)走到了盡頭。阿沛·阿旺晉美曾回憶說：“記得在40年代，我同一些知心朋友曾多次交談過西藏舊社會（制度）的危機，大家均認為照老樣子下去，用不了多久，農奴死光了，貴族也活不成，整個社會就將毀滅?！?/td> | Extensive documentation confirms that the old system in Tibet was doomed by the mid-1950s. Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme recalled: "In the 1940s, I talked more than once with close friends about the crisis of the old society (system) in Tibet. Everyone believed that, if Tibet continued like this, the serfs would all die out in no time, and the nobles would find no escape. Then the whole of Tibet would perish." |
| 20世紀50年代，世界上大多數(shù)國家和地區(qū)已實現(xiàn)了政教分離，此時的西藏仍然實行著這種落后的制度，嚴重阻礙著西藏社會的發(fā)展進步，使西藏與現(xiàn)代文明漸行漸遠。19世紀后，世界許多國家和地區(qū)掀起廢奴運動，英國、俄國、美國等國紛紛廢除奴隸制度。1807年，英國議會通過法令禁止本國船只參與奴隸販運交易。1861年，俄國皇帝亞歷山大二世正式批準了廢除農奴制度的“法令”和“宣言”。1862年美國總統(tǒng)林肯發(fā)表《解放黑人奴隸宣言》，1865年美國國會通過《憲法第13條修正案》，正式廢除奴隸制。1948年，聯(lián)合國大會通過的《世界人權宣言》規(guī)定：任何人不得使為奴隸或奴役；一切形式的奴隸制度和奴隸買賣，均應予以禁止。在農奴制近乎絕跡的20世紀中葉，世界上最大的農奴制堡壘依然盤踞在中國的西藏，這不僅阻礙著中國社會發(fā)展進步，也是對人類文明、良知和尊嚴的羞辱。 | By the 1950s, political and religious powers had been separated in most countries and regions throughout the world. But a backward system of theocracy was still practiced in Tibet, hindering the progress of Tibetan society and isolating the region from modern civilization. Starting in the 19th century, a worldwide campaign to eliminate slavery had spread over many countries and regions. Britain, Russia and the United States were among them. In 1807, the British Parliament adopted an act that forbade British ships to engage in the slave trade. In 1861, the Russian tsar Alexander II formally approved a decree and announcement to eliminate slavery. The following year, US President Lincoln published his Emancipation Proclamation, and in 1865 the US Congress adopted the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution, formally marking the end of slavery. In 1948, the UN Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which stipulates that no one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. However, in the mid-20th century, when serfdom had nearly disappeared throughout the world, the largest fortress of serfdom was still deep-rooted in China's Tibet. This not only hindered China's social progress, but also represented an affront to human civilization, conscience and dignity. |
| 隨著新中國的建立及中國社會的發(fā)展進步，在20世紀50年代末60年代初，西藏舊制度被徹底廢除。然而，十四世達賴集團卻逆歷史潮流而動，非但不反思舊西藏政教合一制度的黑暗殘暴，反而留戀不舍，夢想著有朝一日把這種制度重新搬回西藏。對此，十四世達賴集團的有關文件有著清楚的記載。1963年制定的《西藏未來民主憲法（草案）》中稱：“西藏以佛祖所教誨之佛法精神為基礎，建立一個民主統(tǒng)一的國家”。1991年制定的《流亡藏人憲法》規(guī)定：“未來西藏的政治是在堅持非暴力原則的基礎上建立一個政教合一、自由安定的民主聯(lián)邦共和國?！?992年制定的《西藏未來政體及憲法要旨》將“政教相輔”規(guī)定為未來西藏的政治性質。2011年修訂后的《流亡藏人憲法》規(guī)定：未來西藏政治是“政教結合”。 | After the People's Republic of China was founded and along with the progress in Chinese society, the old systems in Tibet were completely eradicated around the late 1950s and early 1960s. However, the 14th Dalai Lama and his followers have acted against this historical trend. Instead of acknowledging the ruthlessness and cruelty of theocratic rule, they pine for the old system and dream of resurrecting it in Tibet one day. Relevant statements can be found in their documents. For instance, their Draft Democratic Constitution for Future Tibet, promulgated in 1963, stated, "Tibet shall be a unitary democratic State founded upon the principles laid down by the Lord Buddha." The Charter of the Tibetans-in-Exile, adopted in 1991, stated, "The future Tibetan polity shall uphold the principle of non-violence and shall endeavor to promote the freedom of the individual and the welfare of the society through the dual system of government based on a Federal Democratic Republic." The Guidelines for Future Tibet's Polity and Basic Features of Its Constitution, promulgated in 1992, defined the nature of future Tibet's polity as being "founded on spiritual values." The Charter of the Tibetans-in-Exile, amended in 2011, stipulated that the future polity of Tibet would be "a combination of political and religious power." |
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